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The following century was marked by further military failures, numerous revolts within Bosnia, and several outbursts of plague. Croat forces set up concentration camps at , , , , , , and. Once captured, Muslim villagers were systematically massacred by the Chetniks. Gledajte porno na našem sajtu i posetite naš sajt svaki dan, jer dodajemo nove video snimke s vremena na vreme.\
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The Porte's efforts at modernizing the Ottoman state were met with distrust growing to hostility in Bosnia, where local aristocrats stood to lose much through the proposed reforms. The bulk of Bosnia proper, however, appears to have been a territory between Serb and Croat rule and is not enumerated as one of the regions settled by those tribes. Balkan Genocides: Holocaust and Ethnic Cleansing in the Twentieth Century. Watch this 1080p video only on pornhub premium. Women were questioned as to male relatives in the city, and one woman's fourteen-year-old son was forced to rape her. Archived from on 22 May 2011. Handbook on the Study of Multiple Perpetrator Rape: A multidisciplinary response to an international problem.

It is bordered by to the north and west; to the east; to the southeast; and the to the south, with a coastline about 20 kilometres 12 miles long surrounding the town of. Handbook on the Study of Multiple Perpetrator Rape: A multidisciplinary response to an international problem. After the war, the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina brought a lawsuit against Serbia before the ICJ , accusing the country of genocide.\
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Violence assumed a gender-targeted form through the use of rape during the. While men from all ethnic groups committed rape, the great majority of rapes were perpetrated by forces of the VRS and units, who used as an instrument of terror as part of their programme of. Estimates of the number of women raped during the war range between 12,000 and 50,000. Although the ICTY did not treat the mass rapes as genocide, many have concluded from the organized, and systematic nature of the mass rapes of the female Bosnian Muslim population, that these rapes were a part of a larger campaign of genocide, and that the VRS were carrying out a policy of against the Bosnian Muslim ethnic group. The was the first time in any national or international jurisprudence that a person was convicted of using. The widespread media coverage of the against Bosniak women and children, drew international condemnation of the Serbian forces. Following the war, several award-winning documentaries and feature films were produced which cover the rapes and their aftermath. The war-torn Sarajevo neighborhood of in 1996, a site of rape camps during the Bosnian War and subject of the award-winning film. According to , the use of rape during times of war is not a by-product of conflicts, but a pre-planned and deliberate military strategy. The first aim of these mass rapes is to instill terror in the civilian population, with the intent to forcibly dislocate them from their property. The second aim is to reduce the likelihood of return and reconstitution by inflicting humiliation and shame on the targeted population. These effects are strategically important for non-state actors, as it is necessary for them to remove the targeted population from the land. Historians such as have assessed a key factor behind the high-level decision to use mass rape for ethnic cleansing as being misguided nationalism. Since its inception, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia had not been a platform for internal nationalist sentiment, and individuals who sought to ignite tensions risked imprisonment, torture or execution. In 1989 Serbian president, inflamed Serbian nationalist sentiment with the which referred to the. Feelings of victimhood and aggression towards Bosniaks were further stirred up with exaggerated tales about the role played by a small number of Bosniaks in the persecution of Serbs during the in the 1940s. Serb propaganda suggested that Bosniaks were largely descended from. Before the conflict began, Bosniaks in Eastern had already begun to be removed from their employment, to be ostracised and to have their freedom of movement curtailed. At the outset of the war, Serb forces began to target the Bosniak civilian population. Once towns and villages were secured, the military, the police, the paramilitaries and, sometimes, even Serb villagers continued these attacks. Bosniak houses and apartments were looted or razed to the ground, the civilian population were rounded up, some were physically abused or murdered during the process. Men and women were separated and then held in concentration camps. Estimates of the number of women and girls raped range from 12,000 to 50,000, the vast majority of whom were Bosniaks raped by Bosnian Serbs. The European Union estimates a total of 20,000, while the Bosnian Interior Ministry claims 50,000. The UN Commission of Experts identified 1,600 cases of sexual violence. Gang rape and public rapes in front of villagers and neighbors were not uncommon. On 6 October 1992. According to the commission's findings, it was apparent that rape was being used by Serb forces systematically, and had the support of commanders and local authorities. The commission also reported that some perpetrators said they were ordered to rape. Others said that the use of rape was a tactic to make sure the targeted population would not return to the area. The assailants told their victims they would bear a child of the assailant's ethnicity. Pregnant women were detained until it was too late to have the fetus aborted. Victims were told they would be hunted down and killed should they report what had transpired. However, the largest number of reported victims have been Bosniaks, and the largest number of alleged perpetrators have been Bosnian Serbs. There are few reports of rape and sexual assault between members of the same ethnic group. Throughout the conflict, women of all ethnic groups were affected, although not on the scale that the Bosniak population suffered. Women were forced to go full term with their pregnancies and give birth. Many of the reports of the abuses illustrated the ethnic dimension of the rapes. Photograph provided courtesy of the ICTY Serb forces set up camps where rapes occurred, such as those at , , , , , and. In May 1992, Serb villagers from Snagovo, , surrounded and captured the village of and turned it into a. Four-hundred people were imprisoned in a few houses and those held there were subject to rape, torture and murder. Over a five-month period between the spring and summer of 1992, between 5,000 and 7,000 Bosniaks and Croats were held in inhumane conditions at Omarska. At the concentration camp, rape, sexual assaults and torture of men and women were commonplace. Rape murder and physical abuse were commonplace. At the Trnopolje camp an unknown number of women and girls were raped by Bosnian Serb soldiers, police officers and the camp guards. At the Uzamnica camp, one witness in the trial of Oliver Krsmanovic, charged with crimes relating to the Višegrad massacres, claimed that the male detainees were at one time forced to rape women. Detention camps were set up across the Serb-controlled town of. During the trial of Dragoljub Kunarac et al. Women and girls selected by Kunarac, or by his men, were taken to the soldiers' base and raped. At other times, girls were removed from detention centers and kept in various locations for prolonged periods of time under sexual slavery. Prior to selling three of the girls, Kovač appointed two of them to other Serb soldiers who abused them for more than three weeks. Croat forces set up concentration camps at , , , , , , and. At the Čelebići facility, Serb civilians were subjected to various forms of torture and sexual abuse, including rape. Both Serbian and Bosniak civilians were held at the Heliodrom camp in Rodoc, and detainees were reported to have been sexually assaulted. In , Bosnian Serb forces separated the females from the men and then facilitated the rape of some women by their own male family members. Women were questioned as to male relatives in the city, and one woman's fourteen-year-old son was forced to rape her. Men and boys A lesser known form of rape during the war was that which was perpetrated against men and boys. Though no concrete number has been determined, it has been estimated that some 3,000 were raped during the conflict. However, it is assumed that hundreds, if not thousands, of victims have never come forward due to their deaths as well as the stigma regarding sexual abuse. Many male victims were found to have been ostracized from their communities, often being stripped of their masculinity or accused of homosexuality due to the predominantly masculinist culture in Bosnia. Other victims feared that coming forward would result in further abuse. A majority of the instances took place in detention camps. Some of these crimes were also committed elsewhere, for example during home raids. The range of abuse varied widely. Some victims were sexually tortured, while others were forced to torture fellow prisoners. Acts included forced oral and anal sex, genital mutilation, and blunt trauma to the genitals. Reasons for these crimes mainly revolved around the humiliation and the assertion of dominance over victims rather than the sexual satisfaction of the perpetrators. The trauma resulting from these crimes included a range of mental and physical health problems including feelings of hopelessness, flashbacks, erectile dysfunction, orgasmic dysfunction, and coital pain. Following the end of hostilities with the 1995 , there have been sustained efforts to reconcile the opposing factions. Much attention has been paid to the need to understand the reality of what happened during the war, dispel myths, and for responsible leaders to be brought to justice and be encouraged to accept their guilt for the mass rapes and other atrocities. In the aftermath of the conflict, ethnic identity is now of much greater social importance in Bosnia than it was prior to 1992. From the 1960s until the beginning of the war, nearly twelve percent of marriages were mixed between members of different communities , and young citizens would often refer to themselves as Bosnians rather than identifying their ethnicity. After the conflict it has been effectively mandatory to be identified as either Bosniak, Serb or Croat and this has been a problem for the children of rape victims as they come of age. A medical study of 68 Croatian and Bosniak victims of rape during the 1992—1995 war found that many suffered psychological problems as a result. None had any psychiatric history prior to the rapes. After the rapes 25 had suicidal thoughts, 58 suffered depression immediately after and 52 were still suffering from depression at the time of the study, one year later. Of the women 44 had been raped more than once and 21 of them had been raped daily throughout their captivity. Twenty-nine of them had become pregnant and seventeen had an abortion. In the post-war years, Bosnian, especially society is struggling to move past this collective tragedy of. In short, this gruesome deed aimed to shame Bosniaks, as well as to stigmatize them with inferiority for the generations to come. The UN Commission of experts that investigated the rapes in former Yugoslavia has concluded. The report of the humanitarian organization Amnesty International states: 'Instances that have included sexual infringements against women are apparently part of an inclusive pattern of war conduct characterized by massive intimidation and infringements against Bosniaks and Croats. The effect of rape is often to ensure that women and their families will flee and never return. Estimates of the number of rape victims range from 20,000 EC to 50,000 Bosnian Ministry of the Interior. The United Nations Security Council established the ICTY in response to the conflict's human rights violations. Article 5 of the ICTY charter clarified that the tribunal had the power to prosecute war crimes, and the charter specifically condemned rape as a crime, for which people could be indicted. A report leaked in 1995 stated that Serb forces were responsible for 90 percent of the atrocities committed during the conflict. A report compiled by a team of experts for the UN, chaired by , reached the same conclusion, calculating that Croat forces were responsible for six percent of the atrocities and Bosniak forces for four percent. But their fate was not. In the early 1990s, calls were made for legal action to be taken over the possibility of genocide having occurred in Bosnia. The ICTY set the precedent that rape in warfare is a form of torture. By 2011, it had indicted from all ethnic backgrounds for war crimes, and heard evidence from over 4,000 witnesses. In 1993, the ICTY defined rape as a crime against humanity, and also defined rape, , and sexual violence as international crimes which constitute torture and genocide. Kunarac was sentenced to 28 years' imprisonment for rape, torture and enslaving women. Kovač, who had raped a 12-year-old child and then sold her into slavery, was sentenced to 20 years imprisonment and Krnojelac to 15 years. In 1997, was sued by Bosniak and Croat women in an American court for genocidal rape. He was found liable. The plaintiffs were found to be victims of genocidal rape, and awarded 745 million dollars in damages. On 26 June 1996, the ICTY indicted Dragan Zelenović on seven counts of rape and torture as crimes against humanity, and seven counts of rape and torture as violations of the customs and laws of war. Zelenović initially plead not guilty, but during a hearing on 17 December 2007, the trial chamber accepted a guilty plea on three counts of torture and four counts of rape as crimes against humanity. Zelenović had taken part in the sexual assaults of women at various camps, including the gang rape of a 15-year-old girl and an adult woman. He was given a 15-year sentence for crimes against humanity, which he appealed. The appeal chamber upheld the original sentence. On 10 March 1997, in what is best known as the Čelebići case, , Zejnil Delalić, Zdravko Mucić and Esad Landžo were put on trial. They were charged under article 7 1 and article 7 3 of the ICT statutes for violating international humanitarian laws. The offenses occurred in the Bosniak- and Croat-controlled Čelebići prison camp. Delić was found guilty of using rape as torture, which was a breach of the and that he had violated the laws and customs of war. The trial chamber also found that Mucić was guilty of crimes carried out while he was commander of the camp, under the principle of , these included gender related atrocities. UN Peace keepers collecting bodies following the in April 1993. Photograph provided courtesy of the ICTY On 22 June 1998, , who had been apprehended on 18 December 1997 by Dutch forces who were operating with NATO, was put on trial in what was one of the shortest trials heard by the ICTY. This was the first case heard by the ICTY which dealt exclusively with charges for rape. Furundžija was a Bosnian Croat and local commander of the militia known as The Jokers, who took part in the and who were under the command of the. She was beaten, and another soldier forced her to have oral and vaginal sex while Furundžija was present. Furundžija did not act to prevent the assault, even though he was in a position of command. His defense counsel argued that the witness was suffering from and had misidentified the accused. He was sentenced to 25 years imprisonment. According to , U. Special Representative on Sexual Violence in Conflict, only 12 cases out of an estimated 50,000 to 60,000 have been prosecuted as of 2010. By April 2011 the ICTY had indicted 93 men, of these 44 were indicted for crimes related to sexual violence. On 9 March 2005, the War Crimes Chamber of the , was officially inaugurated. At first this was a hybrid court of international and national judges, by 2009 all judicial actions were handed over to the domestic authorities. Radovan Stanković was a member of an elite paramilitary unit from Vukovar which was commanded by. Following the death of Elez, Stanković took command of Karaman's house, which he ran as a brothel. On 14 November 2006, the domestic court in Sarajevo tried Stanković and he was given a 16-year sentence for forcing women into prostitution. On 26 May 2007, while being transported to hospital Stankovic escaped from custody. Neđo Samardžić was given a sentence of 13 years and 4 months after he was found guilty of crimes against humanity. He had been indicted on ten counts, four of which he was found guilty of. These included multiple rape, beatings, murder, and forcing women to be sexual slaves. Samardžić was also found guilty of having committed atrocities at Karaman's house. Samardžić appealed and was given 24 years' imprisonment having been found guilty on nine of the ten indictments. Gojko Janković surrendered himself to the authorities in Bosnia in 2005. He was transferred to the Hague for trial but the ICTY sent him back to Bosnia to be tried before the domestic court. He was indicted for the rights violations of, aiding and abetting and issuing orders during an attack on the non-Serbian population which resulted in the killing, and sexual abuse of, non-Serbians, the majority of whom were Bosniak women and girls. He was given a sentence of 34 years' imprisonment having been found guilty. Dragan Damjanović 24 years in prison was convicted of war crimes including murder, torture and rape. He was convicted for the repeated rape of a Bosniak woman, arson, looting and carrying out executions. On 12 January 2009, was given 13 years' imprisonment for crimes against humanity, which included rape. Lelek, who was a police officer at the time, was convicted for actions he carried out during the. The indictment against him were for two counts of rape. In April 1992, Nikačević, who was in uniform and armed, forcibly robbed and raped one woman. The second charge was for the abuse of and rape of another woman in July 1992 in Foča. During the trial, the defense produced ten witnesses who claimed that Nikačević had not taken part in any war crimes, and had at times risked his own safety to help others. He was found guilty on 19 February 2009 and sentenced to 8 years' imprisonment for the rapes of both women, and for aiding and abetting in the abduction and illegal detention of a Bosniak civilian, who was later killed at an undisclosed location. Milorad Krnojelac, Janko Janjić, Dragan Gagović and others were indicted in 1992 for human rights violations committed during the ethnic cleansing of Foča. The indictment included a charge of rape. The charges included allegations of rapes carried out at detention camps in the region. Kovač was cleared on one count of rape but found guilty on another. He was sentenced to 9 years' imprisonment. Vlahović's sentence was the longest handed down, slightly longer than that of , who—earlier in 2013—had been sentenced to 43 years' imprisonment for his role in the Srebrenica massacre. It is set in post-war Sarajevo and focuses on Esma, a single mother, and Sara, her daughter, who discovers she is a war baby as her mother had been raped. The film won the 2006 Golden Bear award at the. Žbanić had also written and directed a short documentary about the war in 2000, titled Red Rubber Boots , directed by , also deals with the subject of wartime rape. The 1998 is about an American mercenary escorting a Serb woman to a UN safe area after she has been raped and impregnated by a Bosniak soldier. The film ends with the two women giving testimony at the Hague. I Came to Testify is a documentary by which covers the story of sixteen women who were imprisoned by Serb forces in Foča, and who later testified against their assailants at the ICTY. However, many more seem to be a part of an overall pattern whose characteristics include: similarities among practices in non-contiguous geographic areas; simultaneous commission of other international humanitarian law violations; simultaneous military activity; simultaneous activity to displace civilian populations; common elements in the commission of rape, maximizing shame and humiliation to not only the victim, by also the victim's community; and the timing of the rapes. One factor in particular that leads to this conclusion is the large number of rapes which occurred in places of detention. These rape in detention do not appear to be random, and they indicate at least a policy of encouraging rape supported by the deliberate failure of camp commanders and local authorities to exercise command and control over the personnel under their authority. Marš na Drinu, or March on the Drina, is reportedly a former Chetnik fighting song that was banned during the Tito years. While Marš na Drinu was playing, the women were ordered to strip and soldiers entered the homes taking the ones they wanted. The age of women taken ranged from 12 to 60. Frequently the soldiers would seek out mother and daughter combinations. Many of the women were severely beaten during the rapes. The next morning she found herself lying in a pool of blood. Serb soldiers or policemen would come to these detention centres, select one or more women, take them out and rape them... All this was done in full view, in complete knowledge and sometimes with the direct involvement of the local authorities, particularly the police forces. The head of Foča police forces, Dragan Gagović, was personally identified as one of the men who came to these detention centres to take women out and rape them. Shoup 4 March 2015. Places of Pain: Forced Displacement, Popular Memory, and Trans-Local Identities in Bosnian War-Torn Communities. Retrieved 6 November 2014. 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